The Volcker Diet for Mega-Banks

The Obama administration has renewed a push to toughen regulations on banks that are “too big to fail.” The proposal, dubbed the “Volcker Rule” after the former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker, would limit the scope and size of banks and other financial institutions by ensuring that no bank will engage in “proprietary trading” -- that is, trading operations unrelated to serving customers.

Proprietary trading places bank capital at risk through speculation. Although such trading is engaged in by only a handful—probably four or five—of American mega-sized commercial banks, the commercial banking sector could take a dangerous hit if these bets go wrong. 

Proponents of the Volcker Rule argue that such a prohibition is essential to ensure the stability of the commercial banking sector and to protect banking customers from undue risk undertaken by corporate management. It would also discourage banks from engaging in insider trading using inside information and data gleaned from their customer relationships.

The proposed Volcker Rule has been met with strong resistance in Congress. Critics argue that the objective of the proposal could be achieved under a provision in the House bill adopted last year which let regulators ban speculative trading by banks if it is deemed too risky. They also contend that it will be hard for regulators to differentiate between transactions that a bank makes for its clients from those made in its own account.

One thing that is clear is that if “too big to fail” banks expect an implicit guarantee of taxpayer support, they should be prepared for much greater regulatory review of the risks they undertake.

Marking to Magic: Interview with Lynn E. Turner

Eyes On Wall Street welcomes Lynn E. Turner, the former Chief Accountant of the U.S. Securities & Exchange Commission. Mr. Turner offers Eyes readers some trenchant insight on controversial new rules for fair value accounting, and their long term implications for investors.

Eyes:     Many investors may not be familiar with fair value accounting. Can you give us a thumbnail sketch of what it involves?

Turner:     In its simplest form, fair value accounting is nothing more than having a company report its investments in terms of what they are worth today rather than what they paid for them when they bought them in past years or even decades.

Eyes:     Why should investors care about the way investments are accounted for?

Turner:     Well, as an investor you’re always interested in how management is stewarding the assets that you’ve given them to use. One good measure of how they’ve done with those assets and dollars is looking at the value that management has subsequently created. And looking at the value of those investments today, rather than some time ago, gives you a much clearer indication as to whether management has wisely invested the assets and got a return on the investments or instead has losses that they might like to hide and not be held accountable for.

Eyes:     Why did fair value accounting come to be so controversial during the financial crisis of 2007 and 2008?

Turner:     You know, I’ve been around for about three decades now and the whole debate over fair value accounting is nothing new. It was a major debate during the first half of the Seventies, when we had the ’72-’73 bear market; it was a major debated item during the savings and loan and banking crisis in the late ‘80s and early 1990s; and again it’s returned as a hot item in the subprime financial crisis. So it’s nothing really new. The arguments are always the same: the bankers say in the down times that they shouldn’t be made to take their losses, or it will destroy their businesses. But in the good times, they always come back and ask to use fair value accounting and take the write-ups. 

The reality is that these financial institutions, some of which have been dismally managed, don’t want to have accountability for the poor management decisions that they’ve made when they’ve invested the assets, the money from investors.

Eyes:     And that’s why the financial sector now has so much antipathy for fair value accounting?

Turner:     Well, the crisis was created when banks made a lot of bad home loans that were never going to be repaid.. We know that for a fact now. When the loans defaulted a lot of homes came on the market that couldn’t be resold, or had to be resold at much lower prices than what they’d been bought for or what people felt they were worth. 

As a result, investments in those loans and those mortgages declined in value significantly. The financial industry, which had packaged and sold the loans and had a significant amount of these assets on their own balance sheets, really didn’t want the public to learn about the magnitude of those losses. The public would be upset that they were sold bad investments by the finance companies. In turn the companies didn’t have enough capital to reverse or to sustain those losses and would become financially unstable requiring taxpayer and government support. 

Eyes:      The financial sector has had some recent success in undermining the fair value accounting rules in both the E.U. and the U.S. Can you describe those changes?

Turner:     What the Financial Accounting Standards Board (“FASB”) in the U.S. and International Accounting Standards Board (“IASB”) in the E.U. have done, interestingly enough, is somewhat interconnected. Initially, the European Commission and the President of the E.U., Sarkozy, put tremendous pressure in October of 2008 on the IASB to relax its rules and give greater latitude to financial institutions in how they go about figuring fair value, and in particular what type of assets they’ve got to apply fair value to. In part in response to what the E.U. did, earlier this year, under pressure from the US Congress, the FASB relaxed some of the accounting rules to give greater latitude in how you would calculate those fair values. These changes allow the banks to manipulate what they report as fair values. As one person said, under the new rules it’s really not “mark to market,” it’s “mark to magic.”

under the new rules it’s really not “mark to market,”
it's “mark to magic.”

Eyes:     Now, what do you make of the argument that fair value accounting just doesn’t work when there isn’t a market on which you can assess the value of some of these mortgage-backed assets?

Lynn Turner:     Well, first of all, the vast majority of these assets do have a market, so it’s not as big an issue as what some people make it out to be. For those where there isn’t a market – that is, those investments aren’t traded day in or day out – you can still make an assessment, and accounting rules allow you to make an assessment, of what the cash flows are going to be coming off those investments, and ultimately what someone else is going to be willing to pay you for that. Smart managers should have made that exact assessment when they initially decided to purchase them in the first place and put them on their balance sheet. 

Eyes:     There’s certainly been a lot of debate earlier this year, and then maybe ongoing next year, about legislative proposals that might undercut the independence of standards boards like the FASB. How important is it that these boards remain independent?

Turner:     It is very important that both the Financial Accounting Standards Board and the International Accounting Standards Board be able to go through a due process that allows them to develop standards that will in fact provide investors with the very high quality information they need to make sound investment decisions. When members of Congress here in the US, or when the European Central Bank or Parliament put tremendous pressure on either of these two bodies to serve special interests like the financial lobby instead of investors, then there’s hundreds of millions of investors that get short changed. 

In the long run, good investment decisions can’t be made without good information. And unfortunately both the European Central Bank, the European Parliament and the US Congress throughout this year – and it will continue into next year – will continue to try to break the arms of these standards setters to provide standards that are more favorable to the banks, which will do destructive damage to the US capital markets and investors.

Cleaning Up the Financial Sector

Senator Christopher J. Dodd (D-Conn.), Chairman of the Senate Banking Committee, has proposed a bill that would, if enacted, result in a sweeping overhaul of the U.S. financial system. Dodd unveiled a plan that would, among other things, consolidate bank regulators, create a consumer financial protection agency and impose new restraints on exotic financial instruments and credit rating agencies. In unveiling the bill, Dodd said, "I could have tried to draft something that was, sort of, already a compromise… But I think you make a huge mistake by doing that. You're given very few moments in history to make this kind of difference, and we're trying to do that."

If enacted, Dodd’s legislation would:

  • Create a Consumer Financial Protection Agency which would focus on protecting American consumers from fraud and abuse, and on ensuring that consumers be given clear information on loans and other financial products from credit card companies, mortgage brokers and banks. This proposed agency would consolidate consumer protection responsibilities currently handled by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, Office of Thrift Supervision, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), the Federal Reserve, the National Credit Union Administration and the Federal Trade Commission.
  • Create a Financial Institutions Regulatory Administration which would eliminate the alphabet soup of multiple bank regulators, and would ensure that the FDIC and the Federal Reserve do their jobs.
  • Address systemic risks posed by derivatives. Over-the-counter derivatives would be more closely regulated by the SEC and CFTC to close regulatory loopholes. Derivative trading would be required to go through central clearing and exchange trading to encourage transparency and accountability. 
  • Require advisors to hedge funds and other pools of cash worth over $100 million to register with the SEC and to disclose financial data needed to monitor systemic risk and protect investors. 
  • Establish a new Office of Credit Rating Agencies at the SEC which would strengthen regulation of credit rating agencies. This new office would have its own compliance staff and the authority to fine agencies. The bill would also give investors a private right of action against ratings agencies for knowing or reckless misconduct.
  • Create the Agency for Financial Stability, an independent agency responsible for identifying, monitoring, and addressing systemic risks posed by large, complex companies as well as products and activities that can spread risk across firms. The Agency would draft strict rules for capital, leverage, liquidity, risk management and other requirements as companies grow in size and complexity.

The Dodd proposal faces some hurdles. Administration officials, House leaders and some Republicans have criticized parts of the plan as untenable. Edward, L. Yingling, President of the American Bankers Association, said the proposal "would tear apart the existing regulatory structure only to create a new one that would produce conflicts among regulators."  However, Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner said that the legislation "moves us one step closer toward comprehensive financial reform."  Dodd has said he plans to move the bill through the banking committee quickly.

Wall Street Double Whammy

On October 22 Wall Street received a double whammy with the release of plans by the Federal Reserve and the Treasury Department to aggressively regulate pay practices at banks. While both approaches capitalize on public wrath erupting over the announcement of record-setting year-end bonuses at top financial firms, they differ significantly in scope and effect. 

The Federal Reserve’s new compensation proposal, outlined in its October 22 press release, has the broadest sweep, covering thousands of banks, including U.S. subsidiaries of foreign institutions. While the proposed rules would not directly regulate pay, they would include demands that firms take into account losses incurred by employees, make pay tied to longer-term performance, and pay out over longer stretches of time. The only real teeth in this regulation, however, is the Fed’s right to veto compensation plans it does not like, and to require that management come up with better approaches. 

The Treasury plan is more limited in scope, but has a much more immediate impact. The plan, outlined in an October 22 press release titled The Special Master for TARP Executive Compensation Issues First Rulings, applies only to the beneficiaries of bailout funds under the TARP program. It attempts to better align pay with longer-term performance, but takes a more direct approach than the Fed. Treasury official Kenneth Feinberg, the Obama administration’s “pay czar,” slashed cash compensation, increased stock awards, and insisted that stock compensation be held for two to four years. Salaries paid to the highest-earning executives at seven companies getting exceptional federal aid will also be capped at $500K, while the group’s total pay level, annualized, will be 50% lower than last year.

Not surprisingly, the financial services industry is not happy with either approach. Although the sector benefited from last year’s massive infusion of taxpayer capital, banks are bridling at the suggestion that regulators—and the taxpayers they protect—should have any role in reforming the institutions that they helped save.